Assumption of a Constitutional Initiative for the founding and establishment of a political body under the name “INSTITUTIONAL REFOUNDATION”
INTRODUCTION
The destiny of my people and of my NATION has reserved for me the honour and the privilege of bringing you the most hopeful and unprecedented undertaking: the assumption of a Constitutional Initiative for the founding and constitution of an unbound, autonomous and majority popular consensus under the pivotal name “INSTITUTIONAL REFOUNDATION”.
It is an unavoidable and urgent pivotal social necessity, in the face of the nightmarish onslaught of the most irresponsible, corrupt, chaotic and dead-end political reality.
It is the most novel, courageous and last-ditch undertaking left in the quiver of the heavy majority of the forces of progress, of dignity, of constitutional order and of legality, for an effective and socially viable internal liberation from the Dons and the Capos of organised crime.
My own destiny reserved for me, from the early 1980s, at the dividing wall between the fall of actually-existing socialism and the invasion of globalisation and organised crime, the role of striking first.
I am entitled and legitimated to strike last as well.
CHAPTER 1
When power is the product of guilt, it cannot be exercised for the benefit of the people and of the NATION.
This happens because it is stripped of ideology and deprives society of its dignity.
No society can survive in the long term without dignity, and at the same time no power can act independently without an ideology.
The political forces of the post-1974 era were, unfortunately, corrupted very quickly by the hard core of chronic collaborationism, and moved step by step towards the systematisation of the nexus of vested interests, of corruption and of organised economic crime, in order to serve the aims and objectives of globalisation in exchange for their personal advancement in political and economic life.
In view of the onslaught of globalisation and organised economic crime, they hastened to shape a legal framework that protects them from any unforeseen legal adventure.
They began with Article 86 in the 1985 revision of the Constitution, which was the disgrace and the most perverse invention, at planetary level, of political alienation — one which, by democratic standards, cannot be treated as a political option; on the contrary, it constitutes a deception that wounds the core of the relevant article of the Constitution on the usurpation of power.
The separation of powers, which since the time of Aristotle was a dominant constituent element of the democratic polity and a fundamental principle of political and legal philosophy, was, with the targeted enactment of Article 86 of the Constitution, placed in the ossuary of History.
A new power invaded our lives, called “GOVERNMENTAL”, which has nothing to do with the constituent elements of the functioning of Democracy and its Institutions.
The “GOVERNMENTAL” power exercises on its own account all forms of power in the manner it wishes and which suits it.
In simple terms, they have transformed the sovereign existence of the People into a chemical process whereby, on one Sunday every four years — or whenever the sovereign Prime Minister decides, through opaque mechanisms connected with the electoral result — three hundred hand-picked MP-guides find their vessel, and they in turn find their vessel in the Prime Minister-Sovereign, who conceives and implements according to his indisputable wisdom and his infallibility.
With the security that Article 86 of the Constitution gave them, they installed a modular kleptocratic system of mafia architecture, in which the Mafia climbed the stairs of politics step by step and politics came down the stairs of the Mafia, until they met, fell in love with one another and entered into wedlock.
And the two flesh shall become one flesh; and what corruption and the nexus of vested interests have joined together, let no man put asunder.
Since then, ethics as an element of the functioning of a well-ordered polity has been persecuted.
Morality is treated as a needless luxury, and corruption as a phenomenon of historical evolution and necessity.
It is a crime to denounce crime.
When power corrupts, then the corruption of power drives society into a state of an aggregate sum, which is also the final goal of those who wield power.
When societies are cut off from their historical course, they are led into a state of loneliness.
They become doubtful, contradictory, suspended, with the result that the social fabric shrinks and ethics and legality are annulled.
When the edifice of a civilisation suffers cracks in its foundations, collapse follows, and then, unfortunately, the forces of corruption are transformed into the sole philosophy of history.
That ill-fated day in 2010, when the greatest nightmare and useful tool of the globalisers, then Prime Minister Georgios A. Papandreou, with the border island of Kastellorizo as a backdrop, pushed Greece into the deadly embrace of the IMF and the so-called European support mechanism, was nothing other than the result of a well-designed death.
At this point I will refer to the most deadly article of the memorandum agreement that PASOK signed wholesale, hand in hand with Karatzaferis, and which they keep hermetically sealed to this day so that the ultimate criminal national shame and the ultimate act of ceding our National Sovereignty should not come to light.
Under Article 9 of the memorandum agreement, all the National Immunities connected with our National Sovereignty are ceded “IRREVOCABLY AND UNCONDITIONALLY”, along with the right of the lenders to transfer the movable and immovable property of the state to foreign states.
In simple terms, they did not merely give earth and water — they sold the whole well.
Nations and the identity of peoples were never endangered by external occupations and servitudes.
They collapsed and disappeared because of internal enemies.
CHAPTER 2
The foundations of globalisation have begun to creak.
By the law of history, the most barbaric version of neoliberalism is approaching its end.
In the Greek reality, government and parties have turned into an avalanche whose only road is downhill.
They plug holes one after another, as best they can, in a hull that is being crushed and sinking, seeking ways and lifebelts in an attempt at one more counterfeit and toxic recycling.
The only thing the political system has left to produce and emit is decay and stench, and it feigns madness as the most durable political lightning rod in order to buy time, while at the same time it has pushed the prosecuting authorities, the investigating authorities and the judiciary onto the slippery paths of legal schizophrenia and deviation from the elementary logic of measure and equitable management of public affairs, transforming the polity into a construct of social imbalance and dangerous instability of Public Order and Security.
CHAPTER 3
The ideological, political, social, economic and labour stamp of this political initiative consists of the triad: SECURITY — JUSTICE — HOMELAND.
The core of the ideological identity moves:
A. Within the framework of a radical social balance, with the dominant pillar of assurance being the full restoration, reorganisation and effectiveness of Public Order and Security as a self-evident element of social peace, and not as a tool for fostering social inequality.
Social discipline is the result of the functioning of a well-ordered polity, and not a phenomenon of regime violence.
“Social discipline” imposed by the abusive exercise of power is “Servitude”; it is a punch in the guts of DEMOCRACY.
B. Towards the realisation of a rhomboid structural configuration and an institutional refoundation, socially grounded, with constitutional expression and guarantee, and,
C. Towards a full and substantive restoration and functioning of the constituent elements of the harmonious operation of the Democratic polity.
CHAPTER 4
A. Our strategic aim: the role of the arbiter
We are not founding INSTITUTIONAL REFOUNDATION to become one more small protest party. A presence in the Greek Parliament with percentages of the order of 5% or 8% simply sustains the existing corrupt system and offers political seats.
We refuse to play that game.
Our aim is clear: we claim a percentage above 20%.
In the fragmented political scene of 2026, 20% is not merely a number; it is the force that makes our movement the arbiter of developments.
If “Institutional Refoundation” is not the first party, it will not give a blank cheque to any aspiring prime minister. We will force the governing formation to implement a hard, non-negotiable social policy and a plan of institutional clean-up, which we alone will have defined.
B. The red lines for society and the state
For any government to receive our support or our tolerance, it must sign in advance the Social Contract of Institutional Refoundation, which includes:
(1) Immediate institutional clean-up: Abolition of parliamentary immunity and of the law on ministerial responsibility. Referral of all the cases of the state mafia to special sworn courts.
(2) Protection of the social base: An absolute freeze on the auctions of the primary residence for the popular strata, and the imposition of a strict cap on the profits of the energy companies and the food cartels that profiteer.
(3) The return of the state to the citizen: A full reorganisation of the NHS and of public education with resources saved from the give-and-take of the direct awards.
C. An unpatronised struggle
Our political autonomy is sealed by our financial independence.
“Institutional Refoundation” belongs only to its members.
The operating costs of the movement are covered entirely by the proceeds of the re-publication of the book by General (ret.) of the Hellenic Police Klideris Georgios: “In the Tentacles of the State Mafia”.
Every citizen who buys the book funds a real “arrow” in our quiver against corruption.
We owe nothing to anyone, we fear no one.